Lieutenant Charles Henry Bearblock
Dan Hill’s research, edited by Ellie Grigsby
A baby boy was born in Blackheath on March 17th, 1893 to a Mrs and Mrs Bearblock. Once we skip to the next national consensus of 1911, we can see their now 18-year-old son Charles Henry was then a boarder student. Using CWGC records, we know Bearblock was educated at Pearce’s school, Sidcup (former name of Merton Court), and Dover College O.T.C to later join the University of London O.T.C. Bearblock was studying law, but as The First World War erupted across the world stage, dreams, hopes and ambitions were halted and we know Bearblock was commissioned to Second Lieutenant in September of 1914. Unfortunately, it seems no records survive to give us the fine details of Bearblock’s enlistment date. However, we can dissect information from Bearblock’s surviving medal index card. From here we can ascertain that Bearblock’s first theatre of war he faced was France, and his date of entry there was May 30th, 1915. Bearblock served with the Essex regiment, but the medical index card omits which battalion he served with which is important when tracing his war-time story (especially as the Essex regiment raised 30 battalions of approximately 1000 officers and men in each throughout the Great War). Thus, turning to alternate sources to establish this, the CWGC provides us with the valuable information that Bearblock was serving with the 9th battalion. Using the medal roll for the 1915 star, (a campaign medal awarded to officers and men of other ranks of British and imperial forces who served in any theatre of WWI from 1914-1915) we can learn more about Bearblock’s decorations which shows of course his entitlement to a star, as well as the British War and Victory medals, which meant in total he was entitled to the ‘trio’ colloquially known as the ‘Pip,’ ‘Squeak,’ and ‘Wilfred.’
A crude overview of the movements of the Essex Regiment’s 9th battalion for the war are as follows: ‘Formed at Warley in August 1914 as part of the K1 and came under orders of 35th Brigade in 12th (eastern) division. Moved to Shorncliffe and in March 1915 went to Blenheim barracks at Aldershot. 31st May 1915: landed at Boulogne.’ By cross-referencing the date the 9th battalion arrived at Boulogne with the date Bearblock first qualified for the 1915 star, we can conclude that he did in fact travel with the battalion on that date. This is secondarily confirmed by the battalion war diarist who notes Bearblock’s name as present within the nominal roll naming of officers of the 9th battalion upon arrival in France. Documents detailing the battalion’s arrival in France show Bearblock as one of the three officers of the battalion transport who travelled via Southampton to Le Harve, sailing on May 29th, 1915. Upon their arrival to France, the battalion progresses to the area around Ploegsteert, colloquially known with humour by the British soldiers as ‘plug street wood.’ This village is eight miles south of Ypres and not far from the French boarder. After fierce fighting in late 1914 and early 1915, Ploegsteert became a stagnant sector of the western front where no major action took place. Units were sent here to either recuperate and retrain after intense fighting elsewhere before returning, or, for men to indeed prepare before first engaging in active operations. Ploegsteert would have been a place Bearblock could have attempted to collate his thoughts and negotiate his combination of emotions as warfare was looming.
As we move further into May and place Bearblock’s battalion’s war diaries under the lens, not only does it show the considerable, daily casualties sustained from trench attrition, i.e. shellfire and sniping, as apposed to active ‘over the top attacks,’ it also acts as great example material for the often disregarded and unknown ‘rotation system’ of ‘trench life’ from the front to reserve and rest lines during the Great War. Soldiers rarely spent more than 7 days or so on the front lines yet the popular myth that soldiers were stuck in trenches for years at a time seems to still linger.
On the 10th May, the battalion took over the trenches, (102-112), relieving the 7th Suffolk regiment. This first day, was noted as a ‘quiet’ one but the atmosphere of the day was soon to evolve. Night patrols went out to inspect the enemy trenches from 21:45- 01:30am (essentially spy-work). It is noted that this night patrol was dangerously ‘within a short distance of the enemy’s lines, about 400 yards). It was discovered there was a ‘sniper’s nest cleverly concealed in the long grass’ which would have been hugely advantageous. No doubt this party of night-patrol men, electric with adrenaline and perhaps excitement rushed back sharing stories once back behind the trenches of their findings. Perhaps Bearblock listened to his men, as the soldiers, curious and frightened, crowded round and listened to what really was lying on the other side of the wire. If we jump to August 29th a short story describes a fascinating element of the ‘soldier mentality.’ Between 15:15-16:35pm, officers visited a disused German trench they discovered opposite ‘trench 102.’ It is recorded it was of ‘considerable dimensions’ measuring 6-8 ft wide. Consisting of a fire trench and two communication trenches, the latter being about 150-200 yards in length, it seems the war diarist is writing expressively on behalf of the professional impression this trench indeed made. With no signs of recent occupation, it is recorded a ‘trophy’ in the form of a helmet, was taken. This sort of opportune war-time looting was euphemised as the collection of ‘trophies,’ symbolically representing a small victory by possession of enemy goods, protective tools or equipment, ammunition, or supplies. This ‘twisted’ sentiment was to declare a triumph marked by a material object. Bearblock would have walked past this ‘trophy’ daily whilst in the trenches no doubt, seeing it perhaps balanced on top of a stick or lodged into a trench wall as a reminder of that very small conquest and perhaps visual encouragement victory was obtainable.
We can further use the war battalion diaries to have a closer look at what was probably Bearblock’s first involvement in an active ‘over the top’ attack, taking place northwards, which would have been very frightening. The tactics employed on the 25th September are interesting; it’s style of attack pivots on a manipulation of panic. The diarist tells us in the early hours, five minutes before 06:00am:
“…simultaneously with the landing of the French and British attacks at various places south of Armentieres at Hooge and in Champagne a curtain of smoke was raised to (conceal) our parapet along the whole of the front… bundles of wet straw soaked in paraffin were lighted and thrown over our parapet, a bundle to every yard. Smoke bombs were thrown by hand… a dense cloud of smoke was thus raised in a few minutes, rising to a height of 50 feet and drifting slowly toward the enemy lines, the wind being favourable… the enemy appeared considerably alarmed, a bell was heard ringing, rapid rifle and machine fire opened on our parapet and following the firing of a red rocket his artillery opened steady fire on our fire and support trenches…”
Like terrorism, the loss of control through bombardment of surprise and confusion evokes fear, that fear induces a natural panic which in turn, ensures a power to the manipulators.
By the end of September, Bearblock’s battalion made a move from Ploegsteert to the area of Loos, where the British and French offensive had been raging since September 25th. This would have no doubt left men like Bearblock with the overwhelming understanding that an intense time was laying ahead. On the 25th, the British army launched a major attack against the German defences between the La Bassée canal and the village of Loos. This was the last attempt to drive the German forces out of France before the outset of winter in 1915. The battle witnessed the first use by the British army of chlorine gas as a cloud of poisonous gas on the battlefield. But the German defences proved too strong and losses were heavy for little gain. Due to the poor results, the commander of British forces on the Western Front, General Sir John French, was replaced by General Sir Douglas Haig. In total, the battle resulted in casualties of more than 50,000 of whom some 16,000 lost their lives. Many had died in what was to become the ‘new’ strip of ‘no man’s land’ between the front lines east of Loos by the end of this battle. Bearblock’s battalion’s arrival in the Loos sector and the requirement of ‘clearing the battlefield’ of its remnants and bodies from the fierce battle waged there less than a week previous, is detailed in the war diaries. Due to the little change in this sector after the Loos battle, formation of the new stretch of ‘no man’s land’ meant that it was not therefore possible to recover or bury many of the fallen here until the battlefields were cleared from 1919. In that time, for the most part of just over three years, unburied remains would have been subject not only to their natural decomposition but also suffered exposure to the elements and shellfire. Bearblock and his men were faced with the gruesome and distressing task of retrieving and identifying as many of these fallen soldiers before the which must have been psychologically disturbing. Where so many fell in the early days of the battle and the majority of British soldiers at this time in 1915 were only issued with one identity disc, once these were taken from fallen soldiers on the battlefield to establish a figure for the battle fatalities, these bodies were left stripped of their identities. This meant a later identification of a body by a completely new batch of men would prove to be very difficult if not impossible. This truly must have been one of the most horrific roles for a soldier to have occupied during war as men like Bearblock walked around the decimated battlefield, ducking and searching bundles of bodies in the hope of a remaining ID disc hanging around the neck of a fallen young man, or a letter of some sort or telling artefact in his tunic pocket kept for safe keeping to reveal who he was.
By October 2nd, enemy artillery fire maintained a slow and continuous fire throughout the day and night and by the following day Bearblock’s battalion performed relief for the 7th battalion Suffolk regiment on the front line. From this day until the 5th, Bearblock would have been subjected to the ubiquitous shellfire. In those three days, there were around 61 casualties inflicted and 13 deaths, including two fatal gun-shot wounds to the head killing a Captain and Major. By October 8th the war diarist stated: ‘…the enemy launched a strong counter attack against (their) positions west of Hulloch accompanied by a heavy bombardment of (their) front and support lines and of Vermelles Halle and Noyelles Les Vermelles.’ The railway station and the mine yard were half the battalion were in billets, was hit, which actually struck 2 civilians. Bearblock’s battalion then moved into a communication trench on the north side of Halle and bivouacked there for the night after an effective artillery reply from field guns and howitzers. By 19:00pm the firing had ‘practically ceased’ and so Bearblock could only hear the mutterings from his men in the trenches and the night time breeze, and perhaps muffles from their enemy soldiers as opposed to the continuous shelling he was intensely exposed to for the past several days. By October 12th, the battalion paraded and moved into the Old British trenches in preparation for active support the following day. Bearblock after such a brief withdrawal from the relentless shelling, was subjected to ‘considerable’ shelling once more. Many of the communication trenches became impassable due to the damage of the shelling, and so movement was difficult which must have been suffocating. Despite these difficulties, the October 18th diary entry concludes: ‘the enemy was driven back all along the trench but not without making a strong resistance.’ It is recorded that the behaviour of the men charged with consolidating the trench line were ‘excellent.’ By October 19th Bearblock and his comrades in the Essex regiment were manning a series of frontline trenches in the ‘Quarries’ sector of the Loos front. There were ‘several further attempts to creep up within bombing distance were made by the enemy during the night’ but the Essex regiment stood their ground.
The final mention we have of Bearblock as an individual whilst his heart was still beating is that of his battalion war diary, that states: ‘Lieutenant C H Bearblock worked unceasingly until wounded.’ Records after his death inform us that Bearblock was in fact the battalion Machine Gun Officer (M.G.O). This was a particularly hazardous job which most likely took his life. Bearblock died of wounds at the nearby medical dressing station at Vermelles, aged 22 years. Today Bearblock remains in the Vermelles British cemetery amongst the 1,948 bodies that lay there. Sadly, we know no more of the circumstance of Bearblock’s death besides from the roll of honour recording that he ‘died of wounds received while climbing over a traverse to get from one of his machine-guns to another in front of Hulluch…’
Bearblock’s family chose four words for his grave inscription that allows emotion to punch that so many young men never grew up:
“Born 17th March 1893.” -Grave inscription of Lieutenant Charles Henry Bearblock.